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approach, we see that far from comparing with the past-present verbal forms as the third member-form of the
category of primary time it marks its own grammatical category, namely, that of prospective time (prospect).
The meaningful contrast underlying the category of prospective time is between an after-action and a non-after-
action. The after-action, or the "future", having its shall/will-feature, constitutes the marked member of the
opposition.
The category of prospect is also temporal, in so far as it is immediately connected with the expression of
processual time, like the category of primary time. But the semantic basis of the category of prospect is
different in principle from that of the category of primary time: while the primary time is absolutive, i.e.
present-oriented, the prospective time is purely relative; it means that the future form of the verb only shows
that the denoted process is prospected as an after-action relative to some other action or state or event, the tim-
ing of which marks the zero-level for it. The two times are presented, as it were, in prospective coordination:
one is shown as prospected for the future, the future being relative to the primary time, either present or past.
As a result, the expression of the future receives the two mutually complementary manifestations: one mani-
festation for the present time-plane of the verb, the other manifestation for the past time-plane of the verb. In
other words, the process of the verb is characterized by the category of prospect irrespective of its primary time
characteristic, or rather, as an addition to this characteristic, and this is quite similar to all the other categories
capable of entering the sphere of verbal time, e.g. the category of development (continuous in opposition), the
category of retrospective coordination (perfect in opposition), the category of voice (passive in opposition): the
respective forms of all these categories also have the past and present versions, to which, in due course, are
added the future and non-future versions. Consider the following examples:
(1) I was making a road and all the coolies struck. (2) None of us doubted in the least that Aunt Emma
would soon be marvelling again at Eustace's challenging success. (3) Тhе next thing she wrote she sent to a
magazine, and for many weeks worried about what would happen to it. (4) She did not protest, for she had
given up the struggle. (5) Felix knew that they would have settled the dispute by the time he could be ready to
have his say. (6) He was being watched, shadowed, chased by that despicable gang of hirelings. (7) But would
little Johnny be 'being looked after properly? The nurse was so young and inexperienced!
The oppositional content of the exemplified cases of finite verb-forms will, in the chosen order of sequence, be
presented as follows: the past non-future continuous non-perfect non-passive (1); the past future continuous
non-perfect non-passive (2); the past future non-continuous non-perfect non-passive (3); the past non-future
non-continuous perfect non-passive (4); the past future non-continuous perfect non-passive (5); the past non-
future continuous non-perfect passive (6); the past future continuous non-perfect passive (7)-the latter form, not
in practical use.
As we have already stated before, the future tenses reject the do-forms of the indefinite aspect, which are
confined to the expression of the present and past verbal times only. This fact serves as a supplementary ground
for the identification of the expression of prospect as a separate grammatical category.
Of course, it would be an ill turn to grammar if one tried to introduce the above circumstantial terminology
with all its pedantic strings of "non's" into the elementary teaching of language. The stringed categorial "non "-
terms are apparently too redundant to be recommended for ordinary use even at an advanced level of linguistic
training. What is achieved by this kind of terminology, however, is a comprehensive indication of the categorial
status of verb-forms under analysis in a compact, terse presentation. Thus, whenever a presentation like that is
called for, the terms will be quite in their place.
§ 5. In analysing the English future tenses, the modal factor, naturally, should be thoroughly taken into
consideration. A certain modal colouring of the meaning of the English future cannot be denied, especially in
the verbal form of the first person. But then, as is widely known, the expression of the future in other languages
is not disconnected from modal semantics either; and this is conditioned by the mere fact that the future action,
as different from the present or past action, cannot be looked upon as a genuine feature of reality. Indeed, it is
only foreseen, or anticipated, or planned, or desired, or otherwise prospected for the time to come. In this qual-
ity, the Russian future tense does not differ in principle from the verbal future of other languages, including
English. Suffice it to give a couple of examples chosen at random:
Я буду рассказывать тебе интересные истории. Расскажу о страшных кометах, о битве воздушных
кораблей, о гибели прекрасной страны по ту сторону гор. Тебе не будет скучно любить меня (А.
Толстой). Немедленно на берег. Найдешь генерала Иолшина, скажешь: путь свободен. Пусть строит
дорогу для артиллерии (Б. Васильев).
The future forms of the verbs in the first of the above Russian examples ciearly express promise (i.e. a